Everyday Erinyes #278

 Posted by at 11:21 am  Politics
Aug 082021
 

Experts in autocracies have pointed out that it is, unfortunately, easy to slip into normalizing the tyrant, hence it is important to hang on to outrage. These incidents which seem to call for the efforts of the Greek Furies (Erinyes) to come and deal with them will, I hope, help with that. As a reminder, though no one really knows how many there were supposed to be, the three names we have are Alecto, Megaera, and Tisiphone. These roughly translate as “unceasing,” “grudging,” and “vengeful destruction.”

You may have noticed that I sometimes rant (or whine) about petitions addressed to the wrong people. For instance, petitions to President Biden to tell the DOJ to prosecute Trump**. No, no, no, no, no. Even though the DOJ is in the Exective Branch, that doesn’t mean the President can tell it what to do – or at least whom to prosecute. Yes, Trump** did that. But that doesn’t make it right. The DOJ is not the President’s law firm (that would be the White House Counsel), it is the people’s law firm. If you want the DOJ to prosecute Trump** (and don’t we all!) it is the DOJ you should be petitioning.

And this article explains why, even though the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act has been passed – and it is a tool, and in some ways a powerful tool – it is not all powerful. It is the most that the Federal Government can do. But it cannot be applied to any police departments or agencies which refuse federal funding. Such departments and agencies, if they choose to keep racist policies (and some do), only have to decline federal funding. So if we watnt to petiton for redress, we can skip Congress. It has done its job. We nooed to petition states, counties and municipalities instead.
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Congress can’t do much about fixing local police – but it can tie strings to federal grants

Legislation pending in Congress would contribute to reforming how police conduct themselves – but there’s a limit to what federal legislation can do.
Seth Herald / AFP/Getty Images

Alexis Karteron, Rutgers University – Newark

Since the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and massive protests in 2020 in response to the murder of George Floyd, there has been widespread interest in the problems of racism in American policing.

Whether calls for reform or for wholesale defunding of police departments, there appears to be substantial appetite for change. Just past the first anniversary of George Floyd’s killing, people are looking to the federal government to address this issue of national importance.

But as a law professor who studies policing and constitutional law, I have seen how essential local and state reform efforts are, because the federal government has limited power to regulate policing.

With few notable exceptions, the Constitution does not allow the federal government to control state or local government agencies. In accordance with federalism, a core principle that underlies the organization of American government, the federal government has only the powers expressly provided to it in the Constitution.

For example, Congress has authority to oversee the federal government, levy taxes and spend money, and declare war. Other powers not listed in the Constitution are “reserved to the States,” giving them broader responsibility for governance.

The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2021, which has been passed by the House of Representatives and is under discussion in the Senate, offers the possibility of significant policing reforms. But for those looking to the federal government to solve what’s wrong with policing in America, the legislation can’t ensure that every police department will make meaningful changes.

That’s because the bill reflects the hard reality that the federal government has almost no control over state and local police departments.

A man holding up a sign 'RESPECT HUMAN RIGHTS' as two police officers stand near him and approaching marchers.
Racial profiling and police brutality are not new issues – this protest march began on Staten Island, New York, on April 13, 2015, after the death of Eric Garner while in New York Police Department custody.
Robert Nickelsberg/Getty Images

Dollars and change

Although race discrimination is widely regarded as a major problem in American policing, the federal government’s ability to address it is limited. The Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment promises equal treatment of all racial groups by government agencies and officials – local, state and federal. Congress has the power to pass legislation in response to violations of the Equal Protection Clause, such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

But the Supreme Court has held that the equal protection guarantee bans only intentional race discrimination by governmental bodies and officials. Policies and practices that have a disproportionate effect on a racial group do not necessarily violate the Constitution. So the Supreme Court would likely conclude that the Constitution does not allow the federal government to bar state and local police policies and practices simply because they have a disproportionate racial impact.

That means that the federal government’s primary tool for influencing American policing is its spending power. Congress has wide latitude to use money to provide incentives for policy changes at the state and local levels by attaching conditions to federal grants. For example, Congress spurred some states to raise the drinking age to 21 by making the greater age a condition of federal highway funding.

Congress can make the adoption of certain policies and practices a condition for getting federal grants – as long as it does not coerce acceptance of the conditions. States and localities must remain free to decline federal funds. So, if a state or locality declines a federal grant, it doesn’t have to comply with the grant program’s conditions.

Seeking influence

Within the limits that the Constitution sets, the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2021 aims to assert some federal influence on local and state policing practices.

The bill’s most significant direct regulation of state and local police departments would be a ban on racial profiling by all law enforcement agencies. Although federal courts have repeatedly concluded that the 14th Amendment bars racial profiling, the bill would make the prohibition explicit and expand its definition.

The bill would also indirectly regulate state and local police departments by eliminating “qualified immunity” in civil lawsuits where a plaintiff alleges that a law enforcement officer violated their constitutional rights.

Under the qualified immunity doctrine, courts dismiss claims when there is no prior case with a highly similar set of facts where a government official’s conduct was ruled unconstitutional. Government officials, including police officers, therefore sometimes escape liability even if they have engaged in egregious misconduct.

If qualified immunity is unavailable, police officers and departments will arguably be less likely to violate someone’s rights because they will expect to be liable for their misconduct.

Further, the bill would expand the U.S. Department of Justice’s authority to investigate unconstitutional conduct by police departments, and would make it easier to prosecute police officers for federal civil rights violations.

Two lawmakers, Democrat Rep. Karen Bass and GOP Sen. Tim Scott, talking with reporters after meeting on Capitol Hill to discuss police reform legislation.
Rep. Karen Bass (D-Calif.) and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) speak briefly to reporters following a meeting about police reform legislation on Capitol Hill May 18, 2021 in Washington, D.C.
Drew Angerer/Getty Images

Conditions on grants

Most significantly, if enacted, the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act would attach stringent new conditions to two programs that together funnel hundreds of millions of dollars to local and state police departments every year, the COPS program and the Edward J. Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program.

To take just a few examples, both Byrne and COPS grantees would be required to ban the use of chokeholds. Byrne grants would be available only to states and localities whose use-of-force policies bar the use of deadly force unless it is necessary.

COPS grants would be available only to states and localities that ban the use of no-knock warrants in drug cases. Recipients of COPS grants would be required to certify that they will use at least 10% of their grants to support efforts to end racial and religious profiling.

These provisions divide activists who decry the current state of policing. Some laud them as bold reforms, while others argue that less money should be directed to police departments, not more.

If the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act is enacted, some of America’s 15,000 state and local police departments would readily accept its conditions and the federal dollars they unlock. Others would likely sue, arguing that the federal government is attempting to coerce them into adopting policy reforms they do not need or want.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi has said the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act “fundamentally transforms the culture of policing.” But states and localities have to want to change and accept federal grants, with strings attached, for that vision to become reality.

[You’re smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversation’s authors and editors. You can get our highlights each weekend.]The Conversation

Alexis Karteron, Associate Professor of Law, Rutgers University – Newark

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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AMT, there you have it. I’m all for agitating for justice. And agitiating in the right places, to the right people, for the right reasons, works the best.

The Furies and I will be back.

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  6 Responses to “Everyday Erinyes #278”

  1. Thanks Joanne. 
    The biggest problem I have with his content is what is missing–how just such language on grants, which at times has also included the Victims of Crimes grants, is what fueled states joining in Nixon’s war on drugs (in response to the Civil Rights Act according to most historians) and soonafter the tough on crime policies resulting in the exponentially more persons in prisons (especially persons of color) for a far longer time and abandoning the prior efforts at rehabilitation to remake the purpose as solely punitive.  And that these are the policies that incentivized and encouraged the police responses we now want to address and reform.

  2. thanks!

  3. It’s sad to see that, despite Federal initiatives in the form of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2021, reducing racism in local police departments and agencies depends on the one and only incentive most Americans seem to go for: financial reward.

    If local police forces want federal funding in the form of grants, they have to “adapt” to some anti-racial rules defined from above. If they are in need of the money, they will pledge to do so not out of a need to change for the better but the usual financial stimulus. Whether they actually change for the better will depend very much on the oversight, which as far as I can tell from here, has been rather questionable.

    If the local police forces do not even want to pretend that they want to implement anti-racist procedures, they can refuse to do so. I’m sure they can do so in the confidence that their county/state will provide them with the finances they need to keep going, even though this financial support may be “‘trickle-down” money with federal origin. And if their county/state is short on that, I’m sure local – or not so local – Republican donors will maintain their stake in a racist police department.

    I’m afraid that unless it is instigated for the right reasons, i.e. the understanding that racism needs to be expelled from the police force and the country as a whole, wonderful Acts such as the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act will never be more than bandages against the bleeding.

  4. To me, Police are sworn in to protect and serve the people not harass, bully or torturing them like they did with George Floyd. Plus the busting down front doors like they did with Breonna Taylor and many others. Seeing and hearing of their forceful acts of violence when supposedly serving or addressing people has definitely have to stop. The police, FBI and all other gun carrying officers need to be totally retrained in how they approach/address suspects, especially when they’re telling them to have their hands up and lay face down, there is no reason for these officers to walk up to the suspect, start hitting/beating them. Those who do, need to be prosecuted for their acts of violence.
    I agree with Lona that we shouldn’t have to be offering financial incentives to do their jobs properly. The ones who do go by the book/rules will see it in a form of promotions or raises, like we always have had when we get our yearly reviews.
    Hopefully with more officers wearing cameras on them, we will finally see improvements in the way they serve and protect all the people, no matter what color or race.
    Thanks for the petition information, regarding who can and should be addressed regarding these issues.  
    Thanks Joanne

  5. As I’ve said before, I’m not for “Defund the Police”.  Not only is that an off-putting slogan that will alienate the voters we actual want to recruit – but it’s not accurate, in my mind.

    Funds should be re-directed to reform police procedures so they will be instructed how to actually “Serve and Protect” the communities they’re supposed to Serve & Protect.

    • As I remarked on another of your comments, we need to learn how to control the conversation, specifically the wordis used.  we’re not good at that.  But it isn’t easy when the right is so adept at seizing onto everything good and twisting it into something bad.

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